By Nicholas Rostow
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Extra resources for Anglo-French Relations, 1934–36
The Committee of Imperial Defence decision thus constituted barely a bureaucratic guide, not a premise for policy. The CID might have argued that their business was military, not foreign policy. Yet the constitution of the Committee made such a distinction impossible. Indeed, the Committee existed because in matters of war and peace the distinction is artificial.
117 40 Anglo-French Relations, 1934-36 The debate ended with Churchill withdrawing his amendment. To at least one attentive listener, the Lord President's arithmetic had been unconvincing. Baldwin had claimed that Britain's military air planes were 50 per cent more numerous than Germany's when the ratio was in fact I ,24 7 to about 950 (including 350 'dual-purpose' craft immediately available for service use, but presumably not offirst-line quality). ', the Chief of the Committee of Imperial Defence's Industrial Intelligence Centre wrote Churchill the day after the debate.
Phipps met the Cabinet Committee on 25 November, having already urged that 'a satisfactory solution' depended on 'close collaboration with France and Italy'. Without it, Hitler's Germany 'will snap her fingers at us all'. Britain should thus use the time before the Saar plebiscite to concert policy with Paris and Rome. To achieve unity would require Britain's helping the French government defeat its right-wing critics who were waiting for the chance to bring down the Flandin administration for weakness towards Berlin.